The Egyptians and Europeans residing in Egypt believed that our adherence to this policy was due to our weakness, and an attempt to appease the nationalist parties from inciting against us by granting them concessions out of season, and also a desire to please the British authority. It is not my intention now to show the obvious fantasies, as is clear to those who are enlightened, in its claims of many intentions that are not free from suspicion. It is enough for me to let the history of the past two or three years bear witness to itself. If we now add that the misinterpretation of this talk by these people was a fatal blow to the validity of this experiment. I do not mean by this that there is a segment of the population in Egypt that believes that the final word rests with His Majesty the King's government, whether in this matter or in all other matters, or imagines that it can be otherwise as long as the British occupation of Egypt continues. But there is no doubt that people misunderstood the intentions that led us to seek to meet the reasonable desires of the Egyptians while adhering to the traditional British policy, which aims to keep British supervision as hidden as possible from view. From this misunderstanding, they imagined that if they demanded a government of full representation, they would achieve what they wanted by inciting against the British occupation. Several factors contributed to the spread of this illusion: the first is the effort of the nationalist party to justify its political existence by making people believe that every privilege and concession granted to the public is a result of its demand and its effort to obtain it. The second is that some African newspapers, for general reasons opposed to the dominance of the national element in the government, did not miss an opportunity to say that every step of this kind is a sign of weakness and an attempt to appease the extremists in their demand for Egypt's administrative independence, whether those theorists were in England or in Egypt. As long as this is the biggest reason for our modern policy not producing the results that a sensible person would expect it to produce, the path we must take in the near future is simple and clear, which is to make the Egyptians understand that His Majesty the King's government will not allow anyone to be wronged or usurped in preventing the legal benefit that Egypt's interests require, in its opinion. And unless the Egyptians learn this elementary lesson properly, there is no benefit in proposing other matters to promote the powers of the Legislative Council, as the experience of the past few years has shown us that they have not grasped this priority, which is that British policy cannot be diverted from its straight path willingly by the incitement of others on one hand, or by the transgression of civilization on the other.