Facsimile · p. 61
The policy pursued from the beginning of the British occupation of Egypt in 1882 was centered on reducing the number of Europeans in the Egyptian government service as much as possible, employing Egyptians in most of the honorable positions and in many of the senior administrative positions, and gradually paving the way for an increase in the number of Egyptians in financial positions. All senior British officials in the Egyptian government understood this policy well, and perhaps some of them were more insistent than others on training and promoting Egyptians, and perhaps some of them were more insistent than others on the necessity of an Egyptian reaching a high level of competence, before talking about the professionalization of Europeans and the appointment of Egyptians in their place. But I say that I did not find among any of the senior British officials in this country the slightest inclination to disagree that this policy was in line with correctness and wisdom, or the slightest hesitation to implement it, once they were convinced of the existence of a qualified Egyptian to hold the vacant position. However, the difficulty is very significant in quickly replacing a large number of European officials with Egyptian officials in the government. This difficulty is not well known, as it is not widely discussed. I will not elaborate on it too much. For example, the issue of "Al-Jinn" (likely a mistranscription, possibly referring to a specific department or process) is often discussed in this matter, but on the assumption that there are positions in the government held by Europeans, even though it is easy to find Egyptians qualified to hold them. I am not saying that this assumption is entirely without merit, but rather that it is often contrary to reality, as there is no doubt in my mind that there are a few positions that, if vacated by the Europeans currently holding them, there would be no one immediately suitable to fill them from among the Egyptians. However, most of the positions currently held by Europeans are either because of the reason I mentioned earlier, which is that the number of qualified Egyptians is barely sufficient for the demand, and were it not for my fear of this statement being contradicted by statistics and figures, I would have been pleased to prove in detail that most of the young Egyptians who graduated from secondary or higher schools entered the service of the Egyptian government without any difficulty at all, and the complaint of every head of department that the lack of personnel is insufficient for the needs of the service. Anyone who contemplates the modern history of Egypt and its present situation with deliberation and fairness will not be surprised by what I have mentioned, but rather would be surprised by the absence of the difficulty I mentioned or its occurrence. The use of Europeans in the Egyptian government has two purposes: the first is to obtain those with technical and industrial knowledge that Egyptians could only acquire recently, and the second is to compensate for the deficiency in the Egyptian character due to long periods of poor governance.