- 37 -what we are in, but I do not propose the final proposal until I am convinced that the proposal is generally acceptable. And the position of acceptance among the best of the opinion-makers among Europeans in Egypt means a language that cannot be forced upon them to accept what does not align with their opinion. It is not right to force them to accept it or to settle for that. I have no personal interest in this matter, as it is unlikely that what I propose will succeed after it is implemented from theory to practice in the short time I can be in charge of affairs in Egypt. I may witness the beginning of the required council, but not the outcome of its work. Nor do I have any political interest that necessitates this matter. As for what is sometimes reported today, that there is a real intention to turn Egypt into a British colony, it is a mistake, impossible to implement, and even absurd. It is not correct that what happened in the executive and financial administration of the country at that time was so, because there were great objections to that administration being mixed (international), as was proven by selection. When it became clear that the British occupation would not be a temporary occupation, the initial assumption was that the system of mixed administration would be definitively abolished, but it was not possible to implement it. Then, when the agreement between England and France was made in 1904, it removed the greatest objection to this system. As for the judicial and legislative councils, their matter is different from that of financial and executive administration, because the inhabitants of Egypt are from all peoples of the world, and this will remain their situation, God willing, as can be inferred now. There is no obstacle to making their judicial and legislative systems mixed (international), and indeed their legislative system must be so, otherwise it would not be a final system.

What I propose, therefore, I propose out of love for the interests of the inhabitants of Egypt, both foreigners and nationals. If I were convinced that the most sensible Europeans residing in Egypt and the most influential among them would oppose the reform I am requesting with an opposition from which they would not back down. If I were also convinced that after they consider this reform and its implications, they would consider remaining under the current system of privileges, with its flaws, better than risking accepting the desired change – then I would leave this matter and engage in the inevitable games before its final decision, and its solution would remain for others in the future, as it cannot remain a solution but rather a prolonged protection. As for whether delaying its solution increases or decreases the difficulty in solving it, it is a minor matter.

By following what I have mentioned in this introduction, the reader will understand that the opinions I will present about the composition ```