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the highest in what the decision is made upon. I do not expect to find unanimity of opinion among them, as that is impossible in our current situation. However, I will not propose a final proposal until I am certain that the proposal will generally be accepted by the best of the European opinion in Egypt. It is possible that they cannot be forced to accept what does not align with their opinion, and it is not right to force them to accept it, even if it were possible.

I have no personal interest in this matter, as it is unlikely that what I propose will yield significant results after it is implemented in the short period I can remain in charge of affairs in Egypt. It is possible that I will witness the beginning of the desired council, but not the results of its work. I also have no political interest to pursue with this matter. As for what some people sometimes hint at, that there is a hidden intention to turn Egypt into a British colony, that is a mistake, impossible to implement, and even absurd.

It is not correct that what happened in the executive and financial administration of the country was due to this, because there were great objections to the administration being mixed (international), as has been proven by reports. When it became clear that the British occupation would not be temporary, as was initially thought, the system of mixed administration was definitively abolished, but no end date was set. Then, when the agreement between England and France was concluded in 1904, it removed the greatest objections to this system. However, the judicial and legislative councils are different from financial and executive administration, because the inhabitants of Egypt are from all over the world and will continue to be so, God willing, as can be inferred now. There is no impediment to making their judicial and legislative systems mixed (international); rather, it is imperative that their legislative system be so, otherwise it would not be a representative system.

Therefore, what I propose, I propose out of love for the interests of the inhabitants of Egypt, both foreigners and nationals. If I were convinced that the most respected Europeans living in Egypt and the most influential among them would oppose the reform I am requesting with unyielding opposition, and if I were also convinced that after they reflect on and understand this reform, they would consider the current system of privileges, with all its flaws, better than risking acceptance of the desired change—then I would leave this matter as it is and relieve myself of the inevitable burdens before it is definitively resolved, leaving its solution for the future and for others, as it cannot remain unresolved for long. Whether delaying its resolution will increase or decrease the difficulty in solving it is a matter open to opinion, and I will not delve into its discussion.

If what I have stated in this preface becomes clear, the reader will understand that the opinions I will present about the composition