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84 EGYPT AND THE SOUDAN.
I consider that on my arrival at Khartum my first object should be to send to Cairo the families of all deceased employes, soldiers, &c., and to attempt the pacification of the country and the reopening of the communications. When these objects are fulfilled, I would wish your excellency to consider what is to follow.
You are aware that a regular system of posts and telegraphs exists : legal courts, financial and other departments are established, and that, in short, the country has, during a considerable time, been accustomed to a more or less controlling and directing government. To disturb, if not annihilate, this system at a moment's notice would appear to me to hand over the country to complete anarchy. Consider what the situation will be. Let it be supposed that the Soudan, or at least the east Soudan, is tranquillized, its administration ' Soudanized,' native mudirs appointed, refugees all sent to Cairo, the Equatorial and Bahr Gazelle provinces evacuated, and the Egyptian troops ready to leave. Suppose that the firman dissolving the connection between Egypt and the Soudan is read, and the result will inevitably be that each mudir will aim at securing his own independence, and that a period of violent and protracted commotion will ensue, which may very possibly react prejudicially on Egypt, owing to the intimate connection which has for so long obtained between the two countries.
Hence I would suggest that the government of Egypt should continue to maintain its position as a suzerain power, nominate the governor-general and mudirs, and act as a supreme court of appeal. Its controlling influence should, however, be a strictly moral one, and limited to giving advice.
In spite of all that has occurred, I feel satisfied that the prestige of the Cairo government, except in so far as the conduct of its troops in the field is concerned, is not seriously shaken, and that the people still continue to look up to the Cairo government as the direct representative of the sultan as khalif, and would look with horror on a complete separation. Should a nominal control, such as I advise, be maintained, it is evident that it could in no way involve the Egyptian government, and that the prestige